FROM COUNTERINSURGENCY TO THE WAR ON TERRORISM:
Is the U.S. fighting terrorism
or fomenting It?

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STATE TERRORISM
and the
UNITED STATES
 
 

ORDER NOW | COMMENTARY | FREDERICK H. GAREAU
ABSTRACT | T
ABLE OF CONTENTS

 
COMMENTARY
 Edward Herman, Professor Emeritus
Whalen School of the University of Pennsylvania:“In his State Terrorism and the United States, Frederick Gareau shows that, contrary to the war on terror imagery of a United States hostile to terrorism and dedicated to its elimination and to democracy-building, this country has regularly supported state terrorists (and dictators) who serve U.S. economic and political interests. Using as his evidentiary base the truth commission reports that have followed the ouster of terror regimes in El Salvador, Guatemala, Chile, Argentina and South Africa, along with a varied array of sources for Indonesia, Israel, Iraq (until August 1990), and Nicaragua, he makes his case for vital U.S. support for these regimes compellingly and soberly. Gareau stresses throughout how little the U.S. public is permitted to hear about what its government has done, which provides a cover for actions the public might well disapprove, and he ends with an appeal for a much needed truth commission for the United States itself. This book is a valuable addition to the literature on terrorism.” 

 Chalmers Johnson, author of Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire:“Frederick Gareau’s State Terrorism and the United States is an important, courageous analysis of America’s long involvement in the training of foreign military and police organizations in techniques of torture, assassination, and ethnic cleansing. The U.S. military itself directly committed these types of war crimes in the Phoenix Program in Vietnam, where we killed a minimum of 20,000 people, and in Central America during the Reagan administration. Gareau’s research and documentation is path-breaking. The day has arrived when we in the United States desperately need a “truth commission” to examine our own many secret “dirty wars” and hold our military and political leaders accountable. Gareau’s chapter one, “The School of the Americas and Terror in El Salvador,” is itself worth the price of admission.” 



Frederick H. GareauFREDERICK H. GAREAU
Frederick H. Gareau holds a Ph.D. in international relations and organizations from American University, Washington, DC, as well as a licence in political science from the University of Geneva.  He is full professor at Florida State University and author of The United Nations and Other International Insitutions: A Critical Analysis as well as an extensive number of articles and conference reports.

ABSTRACT

This study exposes the support that administrations in Washington have given right-wing dictatorships that committed terrorism especially during the cold war and war on terrorism. It offers a critique of this latter war, and the study’s portrayal of the earlier war serves as necessary background for understanding and evaluating the latter war. It rejects the narrow definition of terrorism insisted on by Washington that exempts terrorism committed by governments (state terrorism) from the definition, and for political reasons restricts the term solely to the private terrorism committed by private individuals or non-governmental organizations. Every one of the six truth commission reports used in the study—one each for El Salvador, Chile, Argentina, and South Africa and two with remarkably similar conclusions for Guatemala-- found that the governments were responsible for the great preponderance of terrorism and other acts of repression that occurred in their respective countries, much more so than the guerrillas. In El Salvador, Guatemala, and Chile the governments were found to be guilty of over 90 percent of the acts of terrorism and other acts of repression. Sponsored by the United Nations, successor governments to those that committed state terrorism, or the Catholic Archdiocese of Guatemala City, each of these reports is based on thousands of interviews mostly with surviving victims or their families and friends. All of the truth commission reports charged that the state terrorists committed unimaginable, unspeakable acts of cruelty and terrorism, what the truth commission for Argentina characterized as an “encyclopedia of horror.” Advertised as a defense against communism and sometimes swayed by other motives-- racism in South Africa and Guatemala and anti-Semitism in Argentina-- the basic motive for the state terrorists was discovered to be the preservation of the status quo and the prevention of social change. They hunted down, tortured, terrorized, and murdered peasants, workers, students, teachers, priests, and nuns. The truth commission for Guatemala sponsored by the United Nations found the government of that country guilty of genocide. With some exceptions, a compliant national media engaged in self-censorship, even passing on the government inspired lies that held the guerrillas, not the government, responsible for the bulk of the atrocities. This and other evidence suggest that the so-called war on terrorism is a partial war that fails to target the main perpetrators, the state terrorists. The incomplete definition insisted on by Washington shields it from being accused of being a supporter of terrorism. 

Washington’s support for state terrorist regimes typically has taken the form of training their troops in “counterinsurgency,” now “counter-terrorism,” and by providing funds and loans, military equipment, and diplomatic backing. The study indicates that Washington helped the Saddam Hussein regime and the apartheid regimes in South Africa successfully develop weapons of mass destruction. Saddam used poison against the Kurds and the Iranians.  The racists in Pretoria produced six nuclear weapons, which they destroyed, following a request from Washington, before handing over the government to Nelson Mandela. In order to assure the continuing Kuwaiti financing of Saddam’s war of aggression against Iran (1980-1988), the Reagan administration put the American flag on the ships of the sheikdom to protect them from Iran. This administration also became a co-belligerent in Saddam’s “oil war,” sinking half of the Iranian navy. It is arguable that without this aid Saddam would have been defeated and deposed by Iran in 1988.

The support for Saddam by the Reagan administration and by that of the elder Bush in its early years puts in perspective Washington’s later moral claims for initiating wars against the dictator. Support for Saddam in the Iran-Iraq war also serves the reader as an introduction to what is to come, as Washington’s policy shifted from supporting dictators/oppressors in the cold war to supporting them in the war against terrorism. The intended enemy in the first period was communism/social change, whereas in the later period it was often to contain the type of Islam exemplified by the Ayatollah Khomeini. The study indicates that the administration of the younger Bush has followed this new paradigm in Algeria, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Its support in Uzbekistan is for a dictator who persecutes Islam, and in Russia it supports an authoritarian president who attacks Muslim Chechens, freedom fighting terrorists. Support for terrorist governments in Colombia has been rationalized by the cold war, the war against drugs, and now the latter plus the war on terrorism. The study adds to the indictment against Washington by references to statistical studies and to the opposition of the Bush administration to the International Criminal Court.

The study critiques the way the Bush administration has conducted the war on terrorism, arguing that it should be carried on without resort to war. Renamed “defense against terrorism,” it would concentrate on the home front and international cooperation. Pre-emption and counter proliferation would be rejected as forms of aggression, and Washington would join the International Criminal Court. The study questions the validity of the reasons given by the Bush administration for invading Iraq in 2003, and it finds that war to be immoral, illegal, and counterproductive. It has alienated large sections of the world population, most especially the Arabs and the Muslims. Aid to Israel, especially military aid, is a major reason for the terrorism directed at the United States, volatile fuel that feeds Arab and Islamic hatred. Israel remains the number one recipient of Washington’s economic and military largess, receives Washington’s diplomat support and intelligence, and is the beneficiary of a strange silence meant to shield public knowledge of the existence of the Israeli stockpile of nuclear weapons. The study recommends that Washington terminate all military aid to Israel as well as aid to Colombia, Uzbekistan, and other countries that are currently committing or sponsoring state terrorism. It recommends that a truth commission be established to investigate and to advertise Washington’s support for state terrorism so that the American public will know what has been done in its name.


Table of Contents
 
INTRODUCTION / 11
TERRORISM STRIKES HOME / 11
DEFINING TERRORISM:  PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES / 12
   The Post 9-11 Rush to Pin the Terrorist Label / 13 
     A Definition of Terrorism / 14
     Monitoring Terrorism / 15
THE CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK / 16
 The Central Questions of This Research / 18
 A “Practical” Reason for Examining the Charge against Washington / 19
Assigning Guilt for the Support of Terrorism / 20
STATE TERRORISM AND SILENCE:  HAMBURG / 20

CHAPTER 1:  THE SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS AND TERROR IN EL SALVADOR / 22
THE SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS / 22 
EL SALVADOR: THE SEMINAL REVOLT AND MASSACRE / 26
WASHINGTON TEACHES AND UNDERWRITES COUNTERINSURGENCY / 28
Counterinsurgency Ideology / 29
Counterinsurgency Manuals Prescribe the Use of Terrorism / 30
Counterinsurgency Operationalized in El Salvador / 30
THE UN TRUTH COMMISSION ON EL SALVADOR / 32
The Reception of the UN Report / 32
 The Organization of the Truth Commission / 34 
 Truth Commission Findings: Government Terrorism and Repression, 
                 Not Guerrilla Warfare / 35
                Death Squads / 36 
                The Rape and Killing of Nuns / 38
THE AFTERMATH / 40
 Rewards and Punishments / 40
CONCLUSION / 41

CHAPTER 2:  GUATEMALA:  A COUNTRY INCOMMUNICADO / 43
WHY GUATEMALA? / 43
ASSESSING BLAME FOR VIOLENCE IN GUATEMALA / 45
The Silence of the Terrorized / 47
COUNTERINSURGENCY TRAINING / 48
       Targeting Women and Children / 48
            Training for Terror and Massacres / 52
             Learning the Step of Death / 5
THE REPORT OF THE ARCHDIOCESE OF GUATEMALA CITY / 53
THE CHARGE OF GENOCIDE / 57
The Intent to Commit Genocide / 58
THE KEY ROLE OF THE ARMY AND INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES / 60 
WASHINGTON’S COMPLICITY / 61
THE AFTERMATH / 63
A Bishop Is Beaten to Death / 63
                An Atmosphere of Impunity / 64
CONCLUSION / 66

CHAPTER 3:  CHILE: THE FORGOTTEN PAST IS FULL OF MEMORY / 67 
WHY CHILE? / 67
DENYING SOCIAL CHANGE THROUGH ELECTORAL PROCESSES / 68
CIA Efforts to Prevent Allende Taking Office / 68
Making the Economy “Scream” / 69
Strengthening the Chilean Military / 70 
The Coup of September 11, 1973 / 71
The Pinochet Regime / 71
THE CHILEAN NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TRUTH AND 
     RECONCILIATION / 72
 The Victims of the Repression / 73
INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES, THE COUNTERINSURGENCY DOCTRINE, 
     AND TORTURE / 76
The National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) / 76
Evaluating the Extent of Washington’s Complicity / 78
 Counterinsurgency Doctrine / 79
CNI, The Successor to DINA / 80
 Terror and Torture by the Pinochet Regime / 81
 Internal Support for the Dictatorship / 83 
 Washington’s Reaction to State Terrorism in Chile / 85
THE AFTERMATH / 90
 The General Visits, Shops, Has an Operation, Is Charged with Murder, Then Returns Home / 90
 CONCLUDING REMARKS / 91

CHAPTER 4:  ARGENTINA’S DIRTY WAR / 93
ANOTHER COUP WAGING LAW AND ORDER / 93
NUNCA MAS: REPORT OF THE ARGENTINE COMMISSION ON THE
     DISAPPEARED / 94
Organization of the Commission / 94
ARGENTINIAN STATE TERRORISM / 96 
The Victims / 96
Class War / 98
The Church / 98 
 The Systematic Sowing of Terror / 99
How Impunity Functions / 99
 The Government Tortures and Disappears its Victims / 100
WASHINGTON’S SUPPORT FOR STATE TERRORISM IN  ARGENTINA / 102
Aid Replacement and Increased Trade / 102
Military Support / 103
Teaching Them “How We Think” / 104
Diplomatic Support / 105
AFTERMATH / 106
The Theory of the Two Devils / 106
 Some Closing Remarks for the Chapter / 107 

CHAPTER 5:  SOUTH AFRICA, APARTHEID, AND TERROR / 109  APARTHEID / 109 
THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION REPORT / 111
Introduction / 11
Gross Violations of Human Rights: Pretoria and the Inkatha / 113
Gross Human Rights Violations: the ANC and PAC / 117
The Guilt of Civil Society / 119
APPLYING TERROR / 120
 Killings / 120
 Detention Without Trial / 121
 Torture / 122
WASHINGTON’S POLICY TOWARD SOUTH AFRICA / 125
Introduction / 125 
From Truman to Carter / 126 
Reagan and Botha: “From Repression to Criminal Activity” / 131
THE IMPACT OF PRETORIA’S TOTAL STRATEGY ON NEIGHBORING 
        COUNTRIES / 136
WASHINGTON, SOUTH AFRICA AND WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION / 142
 Chemical and Bacteriological Weapons / 142
 Nuclear Weapons / 142
BRIEF COMMENTS ON THE CHAPTER / 144

CHAPTER 6   INDONESIA:  THREE SERIES OF MASSACRES / 145
THE ANTI-COMMUNIST MASSACRES:  INDONESIA / 145
 The PKI:  An Historic U.S. Obsession / 145
 A Political Party Falls Victim to Massacres / 148 
 Welcoming the Suharto Regime / 150 
THE FIRST EAST TIMOR MASSACRES / 152 
 The Santa Cruz Massacre / 155 
 Some Conclusions / 158
THE SECOND EAST TIMOR MASSACRES / 158
CONCLUDING REMARKS / 160

CHAPTER 7  THE  ROOT DOCTRINE AND SOME  NOTORIOUS INSTANCES OF U.S. 
         SUPPORT FOR DICTATORS / 162
THE ROOT DOCTRINE / 162
NICARAGUA, THE SOMOZAS, AND THE SANDANISTAS: FROM COOLIDGE TO 
      BUSH, SR. / 165 
THE CONGO:  FROM KENNEDY TO BUSH, SR. / 168
THE KHMER ROUGE: FROM CARTER TO BUSH, SR. / 169
SOME CONCLUDING REMARKS / 171

CHAPTER 8   THE ROOTS OF THE WAR ON TERRORISM:  WASHINGTON’S POLICIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST / 172
WASHINGTON INSTALLS AND SUPPORTS THE SHAH OF IRAN / 172
Saddam Hussein, 1979-1990:  “Our S.O.B.” / 174 
 The First Persian Gulf War / 175
 WMD for Use Against Iran and the Kurds / 177
 Washington Turns on Saddam: The Second Persian Gulf War / 179
WASHINGTON’S COMPLICITY IN ISRAELI STATE TERRORISM / 181
The Partition of Palestine / 181
The Ethnic Cleansing of the Palestinians / 182
The Fate of the Palestinians /  182
Violations of the Rights of the Palestinians / 183
The Israeli Nuclear Bomb / 185
Washington’s Support for Israel / 186
The “Peace Process” / 186
    The Road Map / 188
SOME CONCLUDING REMARKS / 189 

Chapter 9   THE WAR ON TERRORISM / 190
THE NATURE OF THE WAR ON TERRORISM / 190
 The Bush Administration Projects a Dangerous New World / 190
 Upgrading U.S. War-making Capacity / 191
 AFGHANISTAN:  NO END IN SIGHT / 193
 The Guantanamo Bay Prisoners: A Public Assault on the Rights of  Detainees / 197
 Pakistan and Terrorism / 198
 Uzbekistan / 199
 An Afghan Warlord / 199 
 The Treatment of Arab and Muslim Immigrants in the U.S. / 200
THE THIRD PERSIAN GULF WAR / 201
  Congress Approves Preemption, the UN Declines / 201
     Protest by the Public and by International Lawyers / 202
      International Lawyers  / 202
  Religious and Ethical Opposition / 203
  World Public Opinion and the War / 205
 Operation Iraqi Freedom / 206
In Search of Weapons of Mass Destruction /   207
 Postwar Plans: Postwar Chaos / 208 
 Domestic Casualties of War: State and Local Government / 211
COUNTER-TERRORISM: THE ROOT DOCTRINE GETS A FACE-LIFT / 212 
 Russia and the Chechens / 212
 Algeria and the Islamic Salvation Front / 213
 Colombia / 214

Chapter 10   CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS / 216
THE MAJOR FINDINGS OF THE STUDY / 216
 Washington as the Supplier of Arms to the World and Aid to the 
  Violators of Human Rights / 219
 Quantifying the Relation of Military Aid to Human Rights Violations / 220
WASHINGTON’S  POLICY TOWARD THE  INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL 
        COURT / 220 
IN SEARCH OF AN APPROPRIATE RESPONSE TO TERRORISM / 225
 Preemption and Counter-Proliferation:  The Open Espousal of 
  Aggression / 227 
A TRUTH COMMISSION FOR WASHINGTON / 230

ENDNOTES / 232

INDEX / 250

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